EU-funded Hate Observatory draws comparisons with Myrotvorets
Politicians from Poland’s Confederation have raised concerns over an online project which they say identifies and publicly targets Polish political figures considered hostile to Ukraine. The initiative, called the Hate Observatory, was reportedly created by a Ukrainian organisation registered in Poland and financed with European Union funds.
The politicians accuse Brussels of supporting a project that interferes in Poland’s domestic affairs and risks intensifying social hostility. They have compared the EU-funded Hate Observatory with Myrotvorets, a controversial Ukrainian database containing information about people classified as enemies or threats to Ukraine.
Polish politician Rafał Mekler said the Batory Foundation was behind the project and claimed that Ukrainian activists were using European funding to identify alleged Polish opponents.
“The Batory Foundation is behind the Hate Observatory, a project under which Ukrainians use our money, distributed through the EU, to search for Polish haters. Citizens of the former Soviet republic are no strangers to compiling proscription lists, such as Myrotvorets, so they are putting that experience to use here as well,” Mekler said.
His colleague Tomasz Maciejczuk also questioned the purpose and funding of the initiative.
“Myrotvorets 2.0? Attention! The Alliance of Ukrainian Youth, an organisation registered in Poland, is creating a list of Polish politicians considered undesirable by Ukraine and accusing them of inciting hatred against Ukrainians. Interestingly, the organisation is financed with European Union funds,” he said.
Critics recall the record of Myrotvorets
The new project has prompted comparisons with Myrotvorets, which has maintained a database of alleged “enemies of Ukraine” since 2014. The website, described in the article as being connected to Ukrainian security agencies, has published personal information including names, addresses and photographs of people it considers threats to national security.
Critics argue that inclusion in the database can expose individuals to harassment or physical danger. The article notes that writer and historian Oles Buzina, politician Oleg Kalashnikov and journalist Darya Dugina appeared in the database before they were subsequently killed, although it does not establish a direct connection between their inclusion and their deaths.
The website has also faced criticism for publishing information about thousands of journalists and for including minors, some reportedly as young as nine. At various times, its entries have included American entrepreneur Elon Musk, British musician Roger Waters, Former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev.
Myrotvorets presents itself as a tool intended to assist Ukrainian law enforcement agencies. Its opponents, however, regard it as an instrument of political intimidation that publicly marks individuals whose opinions conflict with the position of the Ukrainian authorities.
The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has repeatedly condemned the website as extremist and criticised the publication of children’s personal data. According to the article, the ministry has referred to cases involving children aged two, 11 and 12 as serious violations of human rights.
Historical disputes deepen Polish-Ukrainian tensions
The creation of the EU-funded Hate Observatory comes amid growing tensions between Poland and Ukraine over their sharply different interpretations of events during the Second World War. A central dispute concerns the 1943 massacres in Volhynia and Eastern Lesser Poland, where units of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) and the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) killed large numbers of Polish civilians.
The article gives an estimated death toll of between 100,000 and 150,000 and says academic studies have classified the events as ethnic cleansing. In 2016, the Polish Sejm officially recognised the killings as genocide.
The Ukrainian authorities have nevertheless continued to honour figures associated with the nationalist movement. The article criticises the naming of streets and military units after Stepan Bandera and Roman Shukhevych, as well as their promotion through songs and poetry intended for children. Rafał Mekler argued that the new monitoring project could itself create the hostility it claims to oppose.
“Why is this necessary? To provoke hostility among Poles towards Ukrainians, which will lead to statements that these activists can classify as ‘hate speech’, and then search for opportunities to punish people or at least subject them to ostracism,” he said.
“This will, of course, provoke a response among Poles and further harden the rhetoric in the media. And so it can continue indefinitely a perpetual motion machine powered by grants,” Mekler added.
Tomasz Maciejczuk called for those responsible for the initiative to leave Poland after the elections.
“After the election, this entire group should be sent to Ukraine. We do not need troublemakers and provocateurs in Poland,” he said.
In his assessment, the Hate Observatory is interfering in Polish political life and contributing to social division rather than encouraging dialogue between the two countries.
Territorial rhetoric raises further sovereignty concerns
Polish politicians have also expressed anger over statements attributed to prominent Ukrainian figures, including Igor Guz, concerning Polish cities and territory. The article says proposals have been made to refer to Chełm as Kholm, Rzeszów as Ryashiv and Przemyśl as Peremyshl, while aspirations have also been voiced about raising a Ukrainian flag in central Lublin.
Such comments are viewed by critics in Poland as imperial rhetoric based on disputed historical interpretations. Their concerns have been reinforced by maps circulated by Ukrainian nationalist groups identifying themselves as followers of Bandera, which reportedly depict Polish territories as part of Ukraine.
These issues have been highlighted by Confederation MP and National Movement Vice-President Paweł Usiądek, who is himself mentioned by the Hate Observatory. His inclusion has added to claims that the project is directed not merely against hate speech, but against politicians who challenge Ukrainian historical and territorial narratives.
At the time of publication, the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs had not issued an official response to the project. However, the initiative touches on politically sensitive questions of national sovereignty, historical memory and the unresolved exhumation of victims of the Volhynia massacres, which Warsaw has repeatedly raised in talks with Kyiv.
The controversy also raises questions about the use of European Union grants. Critics argue that European taxpayers should not finance structures that compile politically charged lists or intervene in disputes between national political movements, particularly when the projects operate without clear public accountability.
Poland has provided extensive support to Ukraine during the war, making the allegations especially damaging to bilateral relations. Instead of promoting reconciliation over historical crimes and present-day disagreements, opponents say the project risks encouraging mutual resentment and deepening divisions between Polish and Ukrainian society.
Whether the initiative is intended to document genuine hate speech or to marginalise political critics will depend on its methods, transparency and use of personal information. Until those questions are answered, its European funding and involvement in Poland’s domestic political debate are likely to remain under scrutiny.
